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Context collapse in online dating

Online Dating with a Dash of Deception,Lay Summary

 · One size fits all: Context collapse, self-presentation strategies and language styles on Facebook. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 23 (3), More referencesMissing: online dating Context collapse is the moment when one realises that ‘ talking to everyone is the same as talking to no-one ’. Like saying personal stuff in a crowd. It is a worrisome phenomenon to  · Context collapse. The problem of communicating online is that, no matter what your intended audience is, your actual audience is everyone. That dating profile where you  · According to a survey, 19% of people online were giving dating sites a try at that moment (this includes dating apps), and most of those folks (84%) were using them to  · In research on online self-presentation and socializing, context collapse typically refers to how social media flatten multiple audiences into a single context (e.g., Davis & Missing: online dating ... read more

What is happening here is that we are turning everyone into politicians the horror. We are demanding that everyone should speak the same way, present the same face, in all situations, on pain of being called a hypocrite. These are good things. Did anyone bring back our girls? Yes, surprisingly enough, the crimes of guerrilla groups in Uganda and Nigeria have not been avenged by hashtag activism.

The internet encourages us all into performative piety. People spend time online not just chatting or arguing, but also playing the part of the person they want others to see them as. Anyone who has run a news organisation will tell you that some stories are shared like crazy on social media, but barely read.

As ever, actions speak louder than words. News Opinion Sport Culture Lifestyle Show More Show More News World news UK news Coronavirus Climate crisis Environment Science Global development Football Tech Business Obituaries.

A study of 6, Facebook users, with a mean age of Therefore, it is believed that as networks increase in size, people are more likely to censor themselves. However, the researchers found that having a large and heterogeneous network were both associated with a greater number of status updates.

The researchers also found that network size was positively correlated to the number of positive emotions shared and negatively associated with the number of negative emotions a user shared. Conversely, network heterogeneity was correlated with more negative emotional disclosures and fewer positive postings. The results contradict the commonly held idea that people with larger networks are less likely to disclose. The research showed that not only do people consider how much they disclose, but what they disclose and the way in which they share it.

Social media users varied their linguistic style less when there were a greater number of disparate audiences on the site and when their networks were larger. The more people present in your social media sphere, the more discerning you may need to be about how information is shared, and self-image may become a larger concern.

For example, talking in a negative manner about work may not be the best idea when many co-workers are members of that network. As an audience becomes increasingly large and diverse, the specific individuals that make up that audience may seem more distant.

In such a case, people may be relying on their mental representations of their intended audience Gil-Lopez et al. While with a large audience, a user may be more likely to share positive information, surprisingly, a more diverse audience may lead a person to share negative information. A user may share negative disclosures when there are varied subgroups in the network, as it is more likely that it would lead to greater support. Thus, whereas large network size is associated with a more positive self-image and fewer opportunities for seeking social support, audience fragmentation may have an opposite effect" Gil-Lopez et al.

So how might this study relate to our current experience during the pandemic? After a recent conversation with a friend in which we were discussing the joys and perils of working from home for months on end, I realized that while our meetings, obligations, and social networks may have largely remained the same, the context in which we connect has changed dramatically.

Once meeting with officemates in workplace kitchens around the coffeemaker, we are now connecting virtually from our makeshift offices. Therefore, our co-workers are getting a different, more personal view of us and our lives. Many virtual meetings consist of pop-ins from children, animals, etc. In this way, varied social groups are existing in one space, as they are all accessing you as you work from home.

Another example of dealing with this context collapse and self-disclosure is that a colleague of mine recently commented about one of the pieces of artwork behind me during a video call. Participants in our study recognize a significant difference between the audiences and purposes of their two accounts and indicated several responses, including maintaining secrecy and posting different types of content on each account.

In terms of their understanding of context collapse and its impact on their online behaviors, our participants characterized their Rinstas as public with a broad audience, while their Finstas are akin to group chats, each having different purposes. One teen noted that Finstas generally have a low number of followers to ensure privacy and keep the conversation between friends. Secrecy and the blocking of unwanted followers also emerged as strategies used to cope with context collapse.

All of our focus group participants indicated that their parents either did not know about their Finsta or had been specifically blocked from following them. Our participants demonstrated an understanding of context collapse when they described the broad, homogeneous nature of the Rinsta audience and explained how they engage in different self-presentation strategies on each account.

Another strategy participants report using is to keep certain forms of drama limited to the Finsta, so as to avoid a public spectacle. suggesting that such behavior was just for fun. Literally you post like that to make them look paranoid. To make them feel paranoid and look paranoid if they decide to do anything about it. Other group members noted that this strategy depends on using just the right amount of detail.

They are caught in a rhetorical trap: it is likely—but not certain—that many of their friends in the particular Finsta circle know the post is about them, and if they respond they are admitting their own guilt. Our participants described this interaction as common to Finstas, but stressed that such behavior would never take place on their Rinstas. By creating these Finsta accounts, teens formed a space to avoid the context collapse of a public platform.

Our final research question addresses norms of authenticity and their enforcement. As noted by Dupont , authenticity within a group can require the development of group norms within a subculture.

These norms help group members create and demonstrate an identity they feel is authentic and one that is perceived by other group members as authentic. By participating in these norms and demonstrating an ability to interact with others in ways the group perceives as authentic, teens feel acceptance and belonging within the group.

Participants described the shit-posting process as quite spontaneous compared to posting on the Rinsta. As discussed above, the Rinsta is often a site of deliberate, planned activity with a clear end-goal in mind. Participants described casually scrolling through their camera roll until they found an interesting photo to post.

They would then post the picture with a short comment, often humorous in nature. You take time to think about it. But the Finsta post? No regrets. You just post it right away.

As for content, teens described shit-posting as the sharing of less important or even trivial content in comparison to material shared on their Rinsta.

While seasoned users mostly shit-post, freshmen according to our participants are more interested in spilling T, often as a way of gaining clout. Often these are negative comments about other teenagers. One of the teens stated that freshman i. Making factual statements, they said, is not spilling T; there must be a dramatic opinion expressed in conjunction with those facts. Maturity is a norm of authenticity. For instance, our participants unanimously agreed that spilling T, while at times fun, at times insulting, and at other times an important mode of self-expression, is a characteristic of novice use of the Finsta.

But the older I got the less I started to care about that stuff and I just started posting about my dog and texts that I had with my mother and the fact that I hate myself sometimes. Another part of this process of maturing in Finsta use includes demonstrating an interest in political issues such as climate change, immigration, and presidential politics and stating opinions on these topics through Finsta posts and comments while avoiding them almost entirely on their Rinsta accounts.

However, although they noted that they are friends with most of their followers on Finsta, they still receive negative comments on posts when followers disagree. So if people agree, they just like it and move on. To navigate these political debates, participants said they at times try to prove commenters wrong, but often ignore negative comments to maintain relationships with their followers.

By the time teens have matured beyond craving drama to shit-posting and using the Finsta to share their thoughts and moments from their lives, their friend group expects different norms to construct authenticity. The Finsta, it would seem, can be a site where teens express themselves in ways they perceive to be authentic away from the prying eyes of adults like parents and teachers. They desire authentic self-presentation and understand that their main Instagram accounts are not the right place for such expression.

Our analysis illuminates the specifics of authenticity construction in several ways: our participants described using strategies of negative emotional expression and self-description to construct authentic identities; they see themselves as quite skilled at creating highly polished identities on their Rinstas, but turn to Finstas because they find these performances extremely unsatisfying; and they perceive their Finstas as a form of active resistance to the norms of the mainstream Instagram environment.

Multiple researchers have described the construction of online identity—by adults as well as teens—as intentional and monitored boyd, ; Horky et al. Our analysis adds to this discussion by illuminating several of the specific strategies used by teens as they construct these identities in what they see as an authentic manner, such as shit-posting and expressing real time, honest emotions.

These behaviors are more than simple expressions of negative thoughts and emotions, however. Our participants indicated that they crave not just authenticity, but the validation of that authenticity by their friends. It is revealing that the participants in our focus groups talked about the primary purpose of the Finsta as sharing trivial, mostly humorous content, but gave examples of things that are quite significant for teens, such as parental relationships and negative self-image.

Our participants provide insight into this process, indicating that teens are quite aware of the dangers of using social media where broad audiences must be carefully navigated so as to avoid creating an undesirable image. Our analysis reveals that Rinsta posts are not only incredibly intentional for these teens, but also appear to be deeply unsatisfying to them, given their desire for authentic communication with their friends.

They specifically confirmed that they do this in part because it is expected: they feel pressured to post highly positive images of themselves for the consumption of broad audiences. This, in turn, leaves them desiring a more authentic online experience. As they noted, posting edited images to their Rinstas was often immediately followed by posting the unedited version on their Finstas. There is a tension between the desire for authenticity and the felt need to avoid creating an offensive or inappropriate image, and teens appear to use the Finsta to at least partially resolve it.

It is well established in the literature that social media create pressures to conform to unrealistic norms of appearance and personality, and that these pressures can be harmful to teens in a variety of ways see Appel et al.

Our analysis indicates not only that teens may be aware of these pressures, but that they use Finstas as a form of actively resisting such norms. Our participants indicated that Finsta norms run counter to the norms of main Instagram accounts: ugly is better than beautiful; unvarnished and raw are better than polished and calculated.

Rather than enforcing stereotypical and harmful norms of beauty, for example, our participants describe an environment in which the expected behavior includes presenting unedited and sometimes unflattering images like images of themselves crying. Specifically, our participants view shit-posting and the use of humor as the most desirable form of expression on the Finsta, and while some amount of spilling T is to be expected in novice i. More specifically, our participants characterized a shift in norms as they grew older as a process of becoming less self-conscious about how they present their online identity.

Parts of our conversation indicated that this is not exactly the case. On the surface, the Finsta is about shit-posting and having fun, but this belies a more significant level of interaction that occurs, one where teens insult each other in possibly hurtful ways or reveal intimate feelings about their friends and families. As they follow the norms of their friend group from spilling T to shit-posting, they are rewarded for their maturity with continued acceptance from followers.

In short, there is much irony in the fact that our participants value and enforce the norm of spontaneity. According to our participants, the norm in their Finsta groups is for spilling T to be gradually replaced by shit-posting as teens mature and use the platform more and more.

And as seen in the discussion of politics, our participants prioritize friendship and fun. Even so, our analysis indicates that serious issues of self-image never go away and serious efforts at crafting a particular online persona fitting to the platform still exist.

In short, the norms teens create as they use Finstas are complicated and contradictory, but they are still norms. Many of these insights were made possible by our use of preexisting friend groups for our interviews. While we will never know for sure, our participants seemed very open to the conversations with little concern for embarrassing themselves, as indicated by some of the very introspective comments they made. On the other hand, our use of bona fide friend groups created certain limitations.

Future investigations could seek to understand if cultural appearance norms play a different role in the Finstas of more diverse groups of teens. Relatedly, it is reasonable to conclude that participants in our study are also members of other friend groups, and those groups might interact differently based on different group expectations. Future research could further strengthen our understanding of Finstas by conducting additional focus groups with more diverse populations to determine how teenagers in other groups may use the Finsta or similar account to manage their identity and develop what they perceive to be the authentic presentation of themselves on social media.

And because teenagers tend to migrate from one social media platform to another e. The relationship of Finstas to well-being might be further examined in future studies and could provide valuable information to researchers and health practitioners concerned with the well-being of teens. Finstas may have positive effects for teen users, allowing them—as demonstrated by our participants—to present what they see as more authentic versions of themselves compared to what they share on more public social media platforms.

The data underlying this article will be shared on reasonable request to the corresponding author. Anderson M. Pew Research Center. Appel H, Gerlach A. The interplay between Facebook use, social comparison, envy, and depression. Current Opinion in Psychology , 9 , 44 — Beam M. Context collapse and privacy management: Diversity in Facebook friends increases online news reading and sharing. Google Scholar.

Binns A. Journal of Media Practice , 15 2 , 71 — boyd d. Yale University Press. Google Preview. Buss J. Transgender identity management across social media platforms. Costa E. Affordances-in-practice: An ethnographic critique of social media logic and context collapse. Davis C. Straight talk about communication research methods 3rd ed.

Davis J. Context collapse: Theorizing context collusions and collisions. Davis K. In Bennett A. Palgrave Macmillan. de Lenne O. Picture-perfect lives on social media: A cross-national study on the role of media ideals in adolescent well-being. Media Psychology , 23 1 , 52 — de Vries D. Media Psychology , 21 2 , — Duffy B. Duguay S.

Context collapse has been discussed in the technology-sphere, specifically as it relates to social media usage, for quite a while. Considering how our lives are so intertwined with our devices, a consideration of how context collapse can influence our relationships, especially as boundaries are blurred during the pandemic, is warranted.

For example, when logging on to a social media app, you may have disparate networks consisting of friends, family, co-workers, etc. Sometimes these networks overlap, but in many cases, they are separate. When these different spheres collide and are present in the same space i. A study of 6, Facebook users, with a mean age of Therefore, it is believed that as networks increase in size, people are more likely to censor themselves.

However, the researchers found that having a large and heterogeneous network were both associated with a greater number of status updates. The researchers also found that network size was positively correlated to the number of positive emotions shared and negatively associated with the number of negative emotions a user shared. Conversely, network heterogeneity was correlated with more negative emotional disclosures and fewer positive postings.

The results contradict the commonly held idea that people with larger networks are less likely to disclose. The research showed that not only do people consider how much they disclose, but what they disclose and the way in which they share it.

Social media users varied their linguistic style less when there were a greater number of disparate audiences on the site and when their networks were larger. The more people present in your social media sphere, the more discerning you may need to be about how information is shared, and self-image may become a larger concern. For example, talking in a negative manner about work may not be the best idea when many co-workers are members of that network.

As an audience becomes increasingly large and diverse, the specific individuals that make up that audience may seem more distant. In such a case, people may be relying on their mental representations of their intended audience Gil-Lopez et al. While with a large audience, a user may be more likely to share positive information, surprisingly, a more diverse audience may lead a person to share negative information.

A user may share negative disclosures when there are varied subgroups in the network, as it is more likely that it would lead to greater support.

Thus, whereas large network size is associated with a more positive self-image and fewer opportunities for seeking social support, audience fragmentation may have an opposite effect" Gil-Lopez et al. So how might this study relate to our current experience during the pandemic? After a recent conversation with a friend in which we were discussing the joys and perils of working from home for months on end, I realized that while our meetings, obligations, and social networks may have largely remained the same, the context in which we connect has changed dramatically.

Once meeting with officemates in workplace kitchens around the coffeemaker, we are now connecting virtually from our makeshift offices. Therefore, our co-workers are getting a different, more personal view of us and our lives. Many virtual meetings consist of pop-ins from children, animals, etc.

In this way, varied social groups are existing in one space, as they are all accessing you as you work from home. Another example of dealing with this context collapse and self-disclosure is that a colleague of mine recently commented about one of the pieces of artwork behind me during a video call.

The particular piece she commented on was one that I had drawn. While this may seem innocuous and it certainly is , this person, who knows very little about my personal life, now had a deeper insight into my world, my hobbies, and interests. A collapse of contexts gave us an entry point into infusing more personal aspects of our lives. I am not categorizing the context collapse in this new work-from-home situation as positive or negative; it varies with each individual and their unique circumstances.

Different people choose to create boundaries in different ways. However, simply being aware of our various audiences, what we present to them, and how the pandemic has changed things is quite enlightening. Perhaps you can take some time to reflect on your relationships, how they have changed, and how you may want them to going forward. Gil-Lopez, T. One size fits all: Context collapse, self-presentation strategies and language styles on Facebook.

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 23 3 , Marisa T. Cohen, Ph. But who we end up becoming and how much we like that person are more in our control than we tend to think they are.

Cohen PhD, LMFT, CPLC Finding Love: The Scientific Take. Context Collapse What it is, and how the pandemic has amplified it.

Posted December 1, Share. References Gil-Lopez, T. About the Author. Online: Marisa T. Cohen's Personal Website , Facebook , Instagram , LinkedIn , Twitter. Read Next. Back Psychology Today. Back Find a Therapist. Get Help Find a Therapist Find a Treatment Center Find a Psychiatrist Find a Support Group Find Teletherapy Members Login Sign Up United States Austin, TX Brooklyn, NY Chicago, IL Denver, CO Houston, TX Los Angeles, CA New York, NY Portland, OR San Diego, CA San Francisco, CA Seattle, WA Washington, DC.

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Context Collapse,What it is, and how the pandemic has amplified it.

 · In summary, our analysis contributes to the scholarly understanding of authenticity and context collapse by explicating specific ways in which teens navigate the tensions  · In research on online self-presentation and socializing, context collapse typically refers to how social media flatten multiple audiences into a single context (e.g., Davis & Missing: online dating Context collapse occurs in situations when the contexts of distinct audience groups (e.g., friends or acquaintances) merge or disappear (Marwick & Boyd, ). Social media users have their Context collapse is the moment when one realises that ‘ talking to everyone is the same as talking to no-one ’. Like saying personal stuff in a crowd. It is a worrisome phenomenon to  · Context collapse. The problem of communicating online is that, no matter what your intended audience is, your actual audience is everyone. That dating profile where you  · One size fits all: Context collapse, self-presentation strategies and language styles on Facebook. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 23 (3), More referencesMissing: online dating ... read more

Google Preview. Online: Dr. As an audience becomes increasingly large and diverse, the specific individuals that make up that audience may seem more distant. ISSN Use of Technology in Communication.

Related articles in Google Scholar, context collapse in online dating. There is a tension between the desire for authenticity and the felt need to avoid creating an offensive or inappropriate image, and teens appear to use the Finsta to at least partially resolve it. Sign In or Create an Account. The researchers also found that network size was positively correlated to the number of positive emotions shared and negatively associated with the number of negative emotions a user shared. Gardner H.

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